Boeotian Grave Stele

Boeotian Grave Stele

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The Polychrome Grave Stelai from the Early Hellenistic Necropolis. Chersonesan Studies, 1

Ancient Chersonesos Taurike is located on the western Crimean Peninsula along the northern Black Sea coast (present-day Ukraine). It was founded in the later 5th century BC by Greek settlers, probably from Herakleia Pontica and Boeotian Delion. Chersonesos’ growth and prosperity were primarily due to wine-production and its political structure was democratic. Probably because of a Scythian attack in the early 3rd century BC, new fortifications were built (mid 3rd – 2nd BC), enlarging the city. To build the walls, particularly the inner wall of Tower #17 (Tower of Zeno), more than 800 painted grave stelai and other monuments were removed from a nearby necropolis and, in many cases, carefully broken, laid in layers, and placed in conformity with their original location. Because of the painting’s excellent state of preservation, the stelai, which constitute “the most extensive examples of color use in ancient Greek art” (ix), were probably inserted into the Tower and wall no more than one generation after they were set up, suggesting a date of production in the late 4th – early 3rd century BC.

Soviet archaeologists began excavating the site in the 1960s, dismantling the walls (and Tower), removing the stelai, recording their find-spots, and conserving many of them in the State Hermitage Museum, St. Petersburg. While several stelai remained at the Hermitage, most were returned to Chersonesos and stored for many years in a converted 19th century monastery. Study of the stelai began in 1994, involving specialists from the Institute of Classical Archaeology at the University of Texas-Austin, Ukrainian and western European colleagues, and the Packard Humanities Institute. Beginning in 2000 the stele fragments were rejoined, catalogued and conserved and, in 2001-2, moved to the new Chersonesos Museum. In 2006 the Packard Laboratory was completed, including a display area for the stelai, and an exhibition was held. This monograph is the first volume in a new series, Chersonesan Studies. The second volume will focus on other painted funerary monuments, including sarcophagi and panels.

Following a forward by J.C. Carter and an introduction (1-11) by R. Posamentir, the text is divided into 8 sections and concludes with two specialist studies. The first section, “Catalog of Grave Stelai” (I.2, 12-128), includes 75 stelai from inside Tower 17 and 56 found outside the Tower, with color photographs of each. Most stelai are narrow, vertical slabs of local limestone (maximum height 1.73m, maximum width 35cm) tapering at the top, with a painted Lesbian kyma at the bottom and with either a painted Ionic kyma, gable or anthemion attachment at the top. Carved inscriptions filled with black or red paint identify a single individual, males with their fathers’ names and married females with their husbands’. The decoration consists of plastic and painted elements: rosette disks on the front and sides of the shaft, with petals painted yellow, red, blue, and green and either a vertical knotted brown walking-staff a red taenia with a white alabastron suspended from its ribbons that extend to the sides of the shaft a yellow sword, brown scabbard, and sword belt painted in various colors or a strigil and aryballos suspended from a painted nail. Out of the ordinary are two “medical” stelai of a father and son (Nos. 52 and 53), the former with painted forceps, cupping vessel and tweezers or tongs and the latter with medical instruments painted yellow/orange and, uniquely, two nude male figures facing one another.

In the next two sections, (“Shape and Object Analysis”, I.3, 129-154 and “Painting”, I.4, 153-167), the results of examining the stelai in raking light are discussed. While the tall, narrow proportions of the stelai resemble those of Classical Attic monuments, there are important differences with respect to decoration, for the Attic examples usually have figural decoration while the Chersonesan monuments have isolated, Greek-inspired objects. The raking light revealed horizontal and vertical incisions intended to divide the surface area for centering the decoration, and the palette is limited to white, yellow, green, blue, purple, red, brown and black. In most cases, the pigments were applied flat, with only minimal evidence of shading on the ribbons of the taeniae and other objects like the cupping vessels. Relating the shape of the stelai to the inscriptions suggests that the crowning elements and decoration were both age and gender specific. That is, those monuments topped with horizontal painted moldings were nearly all for adult males those with gables were for women and the few stelai with anthemia were for either young men or unmarried women. Additionally, the taeniae with suspended alabastra decorate married women’s stelai the military equipment those of adult males the athletic equipment on those belonging to young men and the walking-sticks probably identified older men. The picture that emerges is that the homogeneity of the stelai’s forms and decoration served to identify the social position of the deceased. This feature is unique to the Chersonesan stelai, for in Classical Athens taenia stelai were erected for both genders.

The following two sections (“Stelai from Inside the Tower of Zeno”, I.5, 168-201 and “Stelai from Outside the Tower of Zeno”, I.6, 203-214) assign the monuments to workshops and their circles, the criteria being the similarities in size and decoration and their proximity to one another within the Tower the names of the workshops are derived from the family-heads. The stelai found inside the Tower (Nos. 1-49) are divided into two workshops: the Damatrios Workshop, which used soft, sandy stone and omitted rosettes and the Sannion Workshop which made 30-50% of the monuments from inside the Tower and produced stelai that are similar in surface treatment, dimensions, and decoration. Twenty-four stelai from inside the Tower (Nos. 50-75) are generally of poor quality and unattributed to any workshop. Later stelai from outside the Tower (Nos. C1-56) are modestly decorated and poorly executed, and others are unpainted and have a hollow space for the insertion of an inscribed marble tablet (Nos. C28-40).

In the next two sections, (“Dating of the Grave Stelai”, I.7, 215-226 and “Associated Elements: Crownings, Bases, Naiskoi, and Anthropomorphic Stones”, I.8, 227-248 I. 8a. “Catalog of Associated Elements”, 249-342), the dating of the stelai and additional materials found outside the Tower is discussed. Since they constitute a unique group among Greek funerary monuments and have not been previously considered by western scholars, establishing a chronology for the Chersonesan stelai is problematic. Nevertheless, since their decorative imagery is ultimately taken from the Greek visual vocabulary (the swords resembling the finds from Tomb 2 at Vergina), the stelai were probably produced in the late 4th/early 3rd centuries BC. In spite of their Greek proportions and decorative motifs, however, the Chersonesan examples are distinctive. The presence of up to 3 mortises on a stele’s base suggests that a small limestone naiskos and anthropomorphic object in the form of a human head may have accompanied the tombstone. Objects similar to the Chersonesan anthropomorphic forms have been found in the region and may have signified the spirit of the deceased. The grave-markers from Chersonesos, then, were a unique amalgam of traditional Greek-style monuments and indigenous elements.

The last three sections, (“The Location and Appearance of the Necropolis in the Hellenistic Period”, I.9, 344-355 “Stelai Comparison”, I.10, 356-372 “Conclusion – the Necropolis, Its Destruction, and the Tower of Zeno)”, I.11, 373-380), reconstruct the original context for the stelai and summarize historical information about Chersonesos and its population. In the late 5th century BC the city was largely confined to the peninsula, with its first walls probably built in the 4th century. In the course of the later 4th/early 3rd centuries, the stelai were set up in a necropolis southeast of the city which was marked by crowded family burial-precincts. The stelai exhibited a “distinct conformity” (376), with gender and age specific forms and decoration underscoring the deceased’s social standing. The presence of anthropomorphic objects and naiskoi reflected a “mixing of ethnicities” (378) in the community. Not long after the last stelai were erected in the necropolis (mid 3rd century), the monuments were dismantled, broken into similarly shaped ashlar blocks, and “ritually buried” (379) within new fortifications and the Tower of Zeno the dead were most likely reburied in a new cemetery. The proximity of similar stelai inside the Tower enabled later researchers to reconstruct family-groups and workshops, with the likelihood that certain families employed specific workshops.

“Specialist Studies” (II.12, 383-454 and II.13, 455-461) consists of two essays, “The People of the Citadel Necropolis” by P. Perlman and “Pigment Analyses for the Grave Stelai and Architectural Fragments from Chersonesos” by J. Twilley. In the first, the focus is on the stelai’s inscriptions and the identification of the names. The ratio of men to women (60% to 40%) is noted as similar to that of Attic tombstones, and because the stelai of relatives were placed near each other within the Tower, 6 families could be identified. Most names inscribed on the stelai are popular Greek names, a few are unique to Chersonesos and to the region, and some are non-Greek names indicating a diffusion of foreign cults in the area (the female name Mendiko, for example, derives from the Thracian goddess Bendis). A comparison between names on the stelai and those stamped on local amphora handles and on Chersonesan coins indicates that some of the deceased were civic regulators of the wine-trade ( astunomoi) and minting officials. The study of the pigments, while preliminary, revealed a simple palette and explained the preservation of the paints as due, not to the survival of the original binding medium (possibly beeswax), but to the formation of authogenic particles that naturally consolidated the pigments. Further study is to be made on the limestone, plaster, and painting fragments.

This publication is a thorough study of a group of unique stelai whose painted decoration is remarkably well preserved. Their dating to the early Hellenistic period fills an important gap in our understanding of painted funerary monuments, between Classical Attic stelai and those from 3rd/2nd century BC Alexandria, Macedonia, and Thessaly. The age and gender specific nature of the decoration indicates that the role of the deceased, whether civic official or family-member, was important. The uniformity of the motifs may reflect the egalitarian nature of the community and the epitaphs suggest that the people being commemorated were prosperous citizens.

The most interesting aspect of this study is the identity of the painted stelai as products of a “mixture of identities.” While Chersonesos was founded by Greeks, the city’s population came to include settlers from the Black Sea region and indigenous peoples. The stelai they chose to commemorate their loved ones, in their form and decoration, proclaimed these cross-cultural connections. The 2011 publication by the Getty Research Center, Cultural Identity in the Ancient Mediterranean (edited by E.S. Gruen), underscores the growing importance of this type of research, for no longer can we study peoples of the Mediterranean in isolation. The painted stelai from Chersonesos demonstrate that by the Early Hellenistic period the descendants of the original Greek settlers had absorbed aspects of native Black Sea culture.

This monograph is beautifully produced, with numerous tables and catalogues, all with high quality images. Aside from a few minor typographical errors, the text is well-written and the material carefully organized. It is a publication intended for the specialized reader, one with a firm foundation in Greek funerary art and painting. It could not have been produced without the collaboration of American, western European and Ukrainian experts, as well as the resources of the Institute of Classical Archaeology at the University of Texas-Austin and the Packard Humanities Institute. Scholars in the field of ancient painting anxiously await the second volume of Chersonesan Studies on the painted panels and sarcophagi. This reviewer will find it especially interesting to see how these monuments compare with the painted funerary objects from Hellenistic Greece and the degree to which three-dimensionality is suggested.

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Hellenistic Period

In pottery, new decorating techniques were established that fostered increasing production. Vases were as a rule decorated with black paint, with the spare use of simple plant or geometric motifs using added white or chestnut-red clay in the “West Slope” style. A new group of vases appeared, the skyphoi with relief decoration, a cheaper version of the more expensive pots, and were also produced easily in moulds. The decorative motifs were usually plants, but there were also narrative representations with mythological and erotic content. New shapes, such as the lagynoi and hydries of the “Hadra” type, with black or multicoloured, fugitive decorative motifs were often destined to be grave gifts.

The unchallenged funeral gift however proved to be perfume vessels in the shape of a spindle.

During the Hellenistic period, which was initially marked by Macedonian and then by Roman rule, Boeotia gradually withdrew from centre stage, while nevertheless continuing to constitute a field of significant military confrontations.

Macedonian supremacy had serious repercussions on the political organization of Helladic land, shifting the centre of gravity from Greece to the East and bringing to the fore broad political formations in the form of extensive kingdoms.

The old city-states retained their civil institutions but lost the possibility of selfdetermination, since the monarchs of the Hellenistic kingdoms interfered constantly in their domestic affairs. They were retained as either cultural centres, e.g. Athens, or formed coalitions in federations (Achaic Sympoliteia, the Koinon of the Aetolians), but in every case, there was no more than limited autonomy.

After the battle of Chaironeia, Philip II re-established the Koinon of the Boeotians based in Onchestos, without the participation of Thebes, which joined much later (287 BC), after it was rebuilt. Every city was represented by just one Boeotarch, while later the eponymous leader was replaced by a general, in accordance with the model of the Achaian Sympoliteia.

The equilibrium in Boeotia had been overturned. The beginning of the Hellenistic period found Thebes a pile of ruins, while Orchomenos, Thespiai and Plataia, cities destroyed by Thebes, were resettled by the Macedonians and began growing again.

A little later (316 BC) the rebuilding of Thebes commenced, at thecommand of Kassander, King of Macedonia, to whose call cities and private citizens responded warmly. However, it was not until the second decade of the following century that the city joined the reorganized Koinon of the Boeotians. Of necessity, Boeotian cities took part in the wars between Alexander the Great’s successors, supporting whoever served their interests. In general, their stance was pro-Macedonian, although in 197 BC they were forced to ally with the Romans against the Macedonians.

Later (171 BC), those cities that had sided with the Macedonian king Perseus against the Romans suffered severe damage (Aliartos, Koroneia, Thisbe) and the Koinon of the Boeotians was dissolved.

The instability that prevailed had negative repercussions on the economy. Wealth, and especially land, became gradually concentrated in the hands of the few, and in this way a new ruling social class was created in Boeotia.

Rome initially overthrew the kingdom of Macedonia (168 BC) and then dominated southern Hellas (146 BC). Thebes’ alliance with the Achaians provoked the invasion by the Roman general Metellus (148 BC) and shortly after by Mummius (146 BC). Then, pro-Roman regimes were imposed in Boeotia, and elsewhere, as were heavy taxes, with the exception of some cities that had remained loyal to the Romans, such as Thespiai, and enjoyed special treatment for being on the side of the Romans.

In the 1st c. BC, the wars of Mithridates, king of the Pontus, against the Romans and the civil conflicts of the latter provoked new disasters in Greek mainland. General Sulla invaded Boeotia in 86 BC and detracted half of Theban land. Peace came with the victory of Octavian Augustus in the battle of Actium in 31 BC.

Luxury, as a social value, and its spread into the middle social strata, imposed the development of mass production. Products for everyday use, for worship or funeral use were made in mass quantities, frequently without particular artistic features.

Continuing his course, the visitor enters the hall of the Hellenistic period, in which he will meet the marble female head of the 3rd c. BC from Livadeia (stand 69). The tour starts on the left with objects related to the political organisation, such as the stele with the names of the new Thespians who completed their military service during the year of the archon of the Koinon of the Boeotians Ismenias (stand 71), the lead weight equivalent in value to one stater from the sanctuary of Poseidon at Onchestos (showcase 152), and the annual financial report of an hipparch of Thebes, Pompidas, (stand 73).

The pointed commercial amphorae from Chios, Kos and Attica on stand 74 and the meagre savings of a child from Thebes (stand 153) present issues of economy and trade.

Then the visitor heads for the section in which the results of the military clashes are recorded as is the insecurity of the Hellenistic period. From the epigrams on the grave monument for the Akraiphnean Eugnotos (stand 76) we learn his story: he committed suicide after witnessing the defeat of his fellow patriots in the battle with the Macedonians, near the sanctuary of Poseidon at Onchestos, probably in 292 BC.

It is followed by the model of the Macedonian-type tomb in Tanagra. Of particular significance is the inscription with a list of donations to the reconstruction of Thebes on which, among the donors, are listed Messene, Megalopoli, Athens, rulers and citizens and even from Cyprus (stand 78).

In showcases 154-155 are exhibited “treasures”. The one from Thebes stands out, consisting of 457 coins and gold jewels, which was perhaps hidden during Metellus’ invasion of Boeotia in 146 BC.

Showcase 156 contains objects of daily use from homes and workshops of the period, such as pottery, pestles, shearing scissors and a clay cup. There is a supplementary digital interactive application that guides the visitor through a typical Hellenistic home.

In showcase 157 are presented objects that are related to music and dancing on stand 80 there is a painted mosaic floor from Thebes with the representation of a flautist, winner of music contests.

On stand 81, there is a comment on the issue of slavery with a liberating inscription of the 3rd c. BC from Thespies.

The visitor proceeds in the introduction to the Hellenistic world with showcase 158 and the typical pottery of the period. Two kylikes can be singled out bearing the inscription ΦΙΛΙΑC (friendship), vessels with “West Slope” decoration and skyphoi with relief decoration.

Showcase 159 is dedicated to Boeotian clay figurines/terracottas, which had developed greatly from the “Tanagraies”. Together with showcase 160, which contains figurines, vases, mirrors and jewellery, we are given a picture of the appearance and concerns of adults, adolescents and children.

In the following hall to the right are stands 82-88 which offer a brief picture of Hellenistic sculpture.

In showcase 161 are objects related to burial customs, and on stands 89-91 funeral vessels are presented.

Noteworthy among the grave monuments are the typical Boeotian porous cornices that are supported on a narrow post and frequently bear the name of the deceased, thereby identifying his grave (stand 92), the spindle -shaped perfume vessels, as popular grave gifts, and the grave stele of the poet Kapion (stand 93).

New York 11.141 (Sculpture)

A girl standing below an arch, which projects from the surface of the stele. She stands in near profile to the left, with her head bowed. She wears sandals (with painted straps, now missing), an unbelted peplos, with an overfold. She holds a round object--perhaps a large pomegranate--in her left hand, lowered at her side, and holds a piece of fruit (an apple?) in her upraised right hand, at which she seems to look. Her curly hair is pulled back behind her ears and cascades down her back.

Richter suggests that the holes on either side of the stele may have served for attachments, such as grave offerings. Compare to the holes on Munich GL 492 . She also suggests that this stele was carved by an Attic artist in Boiotia.

Condition: Nearly complete

Condition Description:

Chipped on the edges, especially below the plinth chipped, with incrustations, on the surface. Missing from the figure are parts of the girl's nose, chin, and pomegranate.

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1 All acknowledgments there made on p. 226, n. 1 hold also for the present article. The photographs were here also taken either by Miss G. E. Holding or by the writers, and the coloured illustrations reproduced from water-colours by M. Gilliéron.

2 See op. cit. p. 227, n. 1, and pp. 305–318.

3 For further projected articles see B.S.A. xiv. p. 228. Since that was written, Professor Burrows has excavated twenty more graves in the spring of 1909.

4 E.g. Fairbanks , , White Athenian Lekythoi , p. 4 Google Scholar , ‘hardly older than the beginning of the 5th century’ McMahon , , A.J.A. 1907 , pp. 16 – 17 Google Scholar , B.C. 480–460. Fairbanks has perhaps overrated the influence of r.-f. on early outline lekythoi. The date of our vase points rather to a case of parallel development.

5 We have also to correct the account there given of the inscriptions: see below, p. 338, n. 97.

Further corrections may here be noticed.

(1) Mr. C. H. Hawes wishes us to state that further examination of the skull from Grave 26 (see B.S.A. xiv. p. 287) has led him to alter his opinion that it probably belonged to a male.

(2) On p. 295 n. 1, after ‘Boston Museum Report’ insert 1903.

(3) On Plate VIII, the words ‘scale 3 : 4’ do not refer to the vases at all. They are apparently a printer's direction which has been inserted. into the description of the Plate. The true scale would be 3 : 7.

(4) On p. 238, 1. 9, for ‘480’ read ‘490.’

(5) On p. 245, n. 3, 1. 3, for ‘60’ read ‘90.’

(6) On p. 247, 1. 18, for ‘three’ read ‘two.’

(7) On p. 273, Nos. 40–43 are skyphoi.

(8) On p. 312, n. 1, for ‘b’ read ‘l.’

6 As in all our graves where bones were sufficiently preserved to judge. To B.S.A. xiv. p. 265, should be added that fragments of skull in Grave 51 were ·61 m. from E.N.E. end.

7 A closer parallel is Grave 51, No. 27 (B.S.A. xiv. p. 266) the central part of the ‘tail’ is squarer and more pronounced than in ibid. Pl. XV. l.

8 Cp. also Boston Museum Report, 1899, p. 53, No. 4.

10 The only other B.K. vases from Rhitsóna with round-sectioned handles are Graves 50, No. 1 51, Nos. 2, 18, 27 49, No. 7 31, Nos. 19, 20, and (less pronounced) 17, 18. The rest have handles of a deeper and flatter section. This difference in the shape of the handles seems to correspond in almost every case to the difference between Rhitsóna , and Thebes-Tanagra , ware drawn in B.S.A. xiv . pp. 311 – 316 Google Scholar . Cp. e.g. handles of Brussels, Mus. du Cinquanténaire Nos. A36, A40, A1169, A1170, Thebes-Tanagra style, with ib. No. A37, Rhitsóna style: Bonn, Nos. 13, 1007, 1010, Thebes-Tanagra style, with ib. No. 13b (from Tanagra), Rhitsóna style: Würzburg, 5 vases, all Thebes-Tanagra style: Munich, No. 418, Thebes-Tanagra style: Schimatari ( = Tanagra), one Thebes-Tanagra style Kylix (with flying birds) with ib. four others, Rhitsóna style (Class II.). The names Thebes-Tanagra and Rhitsóna in this note refer to the predominant style of the B.K. ware from Thebes and Tanagra on the one hand, and Rhitsóna on the other, and not necessarily to provenance. The Bonn vase No. 13b and the four Rhitsóna-style vases in Schimatari Museum point to the difference between the two styles being to some extent one of time rather than locality. Cp. observations in B.S.A. xiv. pp. 312–314. The round-sectioned handle resembling that of the Corinthian skyphos would thus be the original shape, perhaps taken over, like much of the earliest B.K. ornament, from the Corinthian style.

11 Cp. Nauplia Museum, No. 13.

13 Cp. Dennis , , J.H.S. iv . p. 8 Google Scholar .

14 See B.S.A. xiv. pp. 313, n. 2, 317, n. 1.

15 Moulded volute is probably part of headdress see Jamot , , B.C.H. 1890 , p. 206 Google Scholar , and B.S.A. xiv. p. 255.

16 See B.S.A. xiv. pp. 309, 310.

17 At Brussels, Mus. du Cinq., there is a παπᾶς shaped like No. 129, but seemingly with traces of red on white colouring.

18 Cp. Grave 49, No. 445 (B.S.A. xiv. p. 256) Grave 31, No. 376 (ib. Pl. XII. d).

19 Cp. a similar vase but with vertical handles at Nauplia. Munich, No. 1048, similar to ours but black on ferruginous, may perhaps show how our vase was intended to look.

20 For illustrations see B. S. A. xiv. Fig. 15, p. 274 Pernice , , Jahrb. 1899 , p. 60 Google Scholar .

21 Cp. Grave 31, Nos. 209–215, B.S.A. xiv. p. 278.

22 For posture cp. B. S. A. xiii. p. 97, Fig. 29 c, on a Spartan ivory.

23 Nos. 43, 47, 48, and perhaps 44, 53, 56 have inside of handles buff, and a buff rectangle between the junctures of either handle.

24 Cp. note ad loc. for Late Minoan analogies.

25 Cp. Oxford, Ashmolean, 2. 20, middle shelf.

26 Cp. B.S.A. xiv. Grave 49, No. 447.

27 Cp. Nauplia Museum, No. 68 (an earlier vase).

28 Cp. an unnumbered example, hgt. ·13 m., diam. ·21 m., in Schimatari (Tanagra) Museum.

29 For figurines in this technique cp. Grave 40, No. 129 (Fig. 4), and Grave 49, Nos. 421–430 (B. S. A. xiv. p. 255) for four-handled cylix in this technique see Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 962 for history of type see below, p. 348, n. 178.

30 For illustration of these and kothons see B.S.A. xiv. Fig. 15, p. 274 Pernice , , Jahrb. 1899 , pp. 60 , 68Google Scholar . A discussion of these vases will appear in the next volume of the Journal.

31 Cp. Grave 31, Nos. 189 to 215 (B.S.A. xiv. p. 277).

32 Cp. No. 80 and Grave 26, No. 86 (B.S.A. xiv. p. 283).

33 Cp. Grave 31, No. 201, and reference ad loc. also Louvre, F 531–537, Ath. Nat. Mus. Αἰθ. Α´, Case 13 (Marathon tomb) ibid. Case 20, Nos. 1095 (Megara) and 2316 Olympia Museum, one example Eleusis Museum, several examples Corneto, Museo Municipale, Stanza III. Turin Museum, several examples Bologna, Room 6, Case F Orsi, Mon. Ant. i. ( Megara Hyblaea), p. 849, sep. cvi ibid. p. 892, sep. ccxlvi. Würzburg, Nos. H.I., 26 and 67 Trieste, Nos. 453 and 454, latter from Ephesus.

34 The only example from this grave of a Group A Black-Figure shape see B.S.A. xiv. p. 306.

35 Cp. Eleusis Museum fragment with maenad (?) crowning Dionysus (?).

36 Cp. Grave 18, No. 50, note (B.S.A. xiv. p. 288).

37 Also Würzburg, H. III. 284, which has purple moulding round short stem, and, inside, a R.-F. Gorgoneion.

38 See above, p. 309. For main figure see Bologna Museum, Pellegrini, Cat. No. 357 ( Fairbanks , , Ath. Lek. p. 86 , Class III. c)Google Scholar for other close parallels, Fairbanks, ib. Class III. a, with which subdivision of Fairbanks' classification it corresponds most closely on the whole. Cp. also, not mentioned by Fairbanks, Nauplia, No. 41.

39 For white ivy garland and thin red lines on black cp. Louvre, A. M. 107, low three-handled pyxis from Rhodes a degenerate variety of same ivy branch in black on handles of a Nikos-thenes amphora, Vatican, room beyond crescent.

40 Cp. perhaps J.H.S. xix. Pl. V. (the kantharos, black with white details, represented as carried by Dionysos on a B.-F. amphora, now at Würzburg).

41 For coloured illustration of vase like ours see Perrot and Chipiez, iii. Pl. VIII. 3 (provenance not stated). To references given in B.S.A. xiv. p. 285 add Furtwängler , , Aegina , p. 426 Google Scholar Fouilles de Delphes, tome v. fasc. 3, p. 216 Waldstein , , Heraeum , p. 353 Google Scholar .

42 See references ad loc. and further, Louvre, B, Central Case, Nos. 382–387 ( Myrina) Kekule, Tonfig. aus Tanagra, Pl. XV. Gr. Terrak. aus Tanagra u. Ephesus in Berl. Mus. Pl. V. Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 1769 (white lekythos), a girl offering a caged bird at a (funeral) stele.

43 For hair and head-dress cp. B.C.H. 1897, Pl. VII., marble head from Sanctuary of Apollo Ptoos also Louvre, B, Window Case nearest A, row nearest wall, second head from corner nearest door into A, larger than rest, with a label not written on, don de M. Haussoullier.

44 See notes on Grave 18, Nos. 266 and 267 (B.S.A. xiv. pp. 296, 297).

45 Cp. Haussoullier , , Quomodo Tanagraei , p. 89 Google Scholar .

47 See B. S. A. xiv. Fig. 1, p. 230.

48 Τυμβωρύχοι naturally prefer to dig at a distance from the roadside. Hence the undisturbed condition of our main line of graves from 40–22.

49 Cp. Bonn, No. 359 Munich, No. 3051 latter catalogued as Boeotian B.-F. under Attic influence Louvre, F 432: also a similar skyphos in Ancona Museum.

50 Cp. Athens, Nat. Museum, Αἰθ. Β´Πηλίνων case 108, bottora shelf Louvre, H 83 Lausanne Museum, Nos, 505 and 504 (Cyrenaica), 503 (Nola), 502 (Eleusis), unnumbered (Athens). All Lausanne examples except 505 and 502 differ from ours in having a sort of stand, from which the legs do not detach themselves.

51 Cp. Orsi , , Mon. Ant. xvii. , Gela, p. 594 Google Scholar , Fig. 402 (also only bottom part, but of stone) Winter , , Ant. Terrak. iii . 1 , pp. 71–75 and 48–51Google Scholar (none quite like ours) Louvre , , Salle B case L, bottom shelf Arch. Anz. 1907 , pp. 144 –5Google Scholar , from Berezani near Olbia (‘terracottas like famous Milesian statues’).

53 See Naukratis i, Pl. X. 1 to 3. Gardner , E. , J.H.S. viii . p. 120 Google Scholar , thinks that his Pl. LXXIX. two bottom fragments would make a vase ·365 m. in diam at the mouth.

54 And also Louvre A 330 (1) (= Salzmann, Pl. XXXVIII.), A 330 (2), and Brit. Mus. A 1000.

55 Nauk. ii. p. 51. He quotes, however, the two Louvre vases referred to in the preceding note. So Petrie , W. F. , Nauk. i . p. 19 Google Scholar .

56 Klio, Funde aus Naukratis, 1908, p. 89.

57 So Furtwängler calls a vase smaller than ours, and apparently of our style (Berlin Cat. No. 1646), a ‘Becher,’ though he refers to a vase-shape in his Pl. V. (No. 123) which is more similar to Nauk. i. Pl. X. 1 to 3 than to ours. The foot, however, of his vase is apparently lacking. The Vourva vase (Ath. Nat. Mus. No. 995), of Naukratis shape, but not, of course, of Naukratis style, though smaller than ours (·15 m. hgt. ·11 m. diam.), is more like the larger examples referred to above, and is called both by Collignon-Couve (Cat. p. 160) and by Stais (Ath. Mitt. xv. Taf. XII. 1 and p. 327) a crater, though the latter says ῾ἡ κάτω ζώνη μετὰ τῆς βάσες ἔχουσι τὸ σχῆμα κύλικος ἀφ᾿ ἦς ἐκφύεται, οὔτως είπεῖν, τὸ ἄνω μέρος τοῦ ὰγγείου᾿

58 C. Smith in Nauk. i. p. 51 E. Gardner, ib. ii. pp. 39, 42, 44. C. Smith, op. cit., also uses the portrayal of negroes as an argument cp. the similar point in the Cyrene-Sparta controversy, for which see below. It would be tempting to find an argument for Naukratite local origin in the idea that the peculiar shape of our cups, scarcely paralleled except in the Vourva vase referred to in note 57, was borrowed from an Egyptian prototype. Faience cups, now yellow, but originally, it would seem, blue, such as Louvre, Salle B, centre case, No. 558, are curiously similar in shape, except for the fact that they are without handles, and give a similar effect of design with their horizontal frieze of open and shut lotus buds. We are informed, however, by Mr. H. R. Hall, that they were not made later than the eighteenth Dynasty, and could not possibly be known to the twenty-sixth. Was there some connecting link?

59 Aus ion. Nekropolen, pp. 74–5, 79, 86, 89. Löschcke (quoted p. 75) was the first to suggest Miletus as the home of the style.

60 Op. cit. pp. 91–97. Furtwängler , , it may be noticed ( Aegina , pp. 478 –80)Google Scholar , lays stress on the inscription argument, and seems to have accepted Naukratite origin without qualification.

61 Op. cit. pp. 15–39. For the name see Gardner, Nauk. ii. p. 45.

62 Op. cit. pp. 57–63, and Böhlau, pp. 89–124.

63 Op. cit. pp. 87–99. Group B differs from Group A (an example of which is figured J.H.S. viii. Pl. LXXIX. two lower fragments) in the fact of having incisions. His Group C includes Gardner's Class B, b bowls (Nauk. ii. p. 42), an example of which is figured in J.H.S. viii. Pl. LXXIX. top fragment. His Group D are the ‘eyebowls,’ Gardner's Class B, a (Nauk. ii. p. 41).

66 In letter dated May 8, 1909.

68 In letter dated June 26, 1909.

69 By Gardner , E. , Nauk. ii . pp. 38 –9, 51–3Google Scholar .

70 Only preserved on (part of) the side not reproduced.

71 Nauk. i. Pl. VI. 1 and ib. ii. Pl. X. 1 are not, of course, of the ‘local Naukratite’ style. For a discussion of the presence of cocks on early Greek vases see Six , , Gaz. Arch. 1888 , p. 202 Google Scholar .

72 The former has incisions and belongs to Prinz's Group B, like our vase Dr. Wiegand has not mentioned the point in regard to his fragment.

74 Mr. O. A. Rhousopoulos, who kindly stereochromatized the vase for us, finds traces of mercury in it, as well as of an oxide of iron. This means that it contains cinnabar or vermilion (sulphide of mercury). The red of the Cook Figurine from Grave 18 (B.S.A. xiv. Pl. VII. B) and of a typical Boeotian kylix, Class II. (ib. p. 309), as also analysed by Mr. Rhousopoulos, showed only an oxide of iron (Fe2O3).

75 This applies to the armpits even though the χιτών may well have been sleeveless, as in, e.g. B.-F. Oenochoe of Cholchos, Berlin 1732, B.-F. Krater of Nikosthenes, Brit. Mus. B. 364 ( Wien. Vorleg. 1889, Taf. I. 1890–1, Taf. VI. 1.) and R.-F. Hydria of Hypsis at Munich (Furtwängler-Reichhold, Plate 82). The fold running down to a point behind the warrior's back shows that he wore also another garment. If it were an ἱμάτιον we should expect it to be marked off in front from the χιτών (as in B.-F. Kelebe, Brit. Mus. B. 363), unless here again the darker lines have faded. It might conceivably be a skin, such as girds the waist and hangs in a fold running to a point down the back of the charioteer on the B.-F. Amphora, Brit. Mus. B. 176.

76 For many examples of Winged Horses as Shield Blazons see Chase , G. H. in Harvard Studies , xiii . p. 109 Google Scholar .

77 E.g. Brit. Mus. B 212 (Amphora from Vulci) Ath. Mitt. iv. Pl. XVIII.

78 The patch of brown shows that there were four horses. Undoubted examples of trigae on vases seem late, as on a late r.-f. oenochoe, Benndorf , , Gr. u. Sic. Vas. Pl. XXXII. 5 Google Scholar . See Furtwängler , , Berlin Cat. p. 476 Google Scholar ap. no. 2154. But note Boeotian figurine (Brussels, Mus. du Cinq. A 107), man driving waggon with three red on white horses.

79 It has been stereochromatized by Mr. O. A. Rhousopoulos, so that we may hope its design and colours will decay no further.

80 With one odd slip that in the sketch of the whole vase the lower strip of tooth pattern is made to point upwards, when it really points downwards.

81 The oval eye is reserved in white with faded black ball.

82 Pp. 193–210, 281–294. Good examples are Louvre F 114 signed by Nikosthenes, F 195, 196, 197. Brit. Mus. B 688. For discussion see Pottier , , Cat. vol. iii . pp. 748 Google Scholar , 776, 778 and Rhomaios , in Ath. Mitt. 1906 , p. 204 Google Scholar .

83 It is interesting to notice that Wolters and Six thought from hearsay descriptions that there might be a resemblance between some of the vases published by the latter (e.g. his Pl. 28 D) and the Naukratite ware, but that they were soon shown by E. Gardner that the white slip made all the difference. See Six, op. cit. p. 282.

84 Nos. 250, 251. See B.S.A. xiv. p. 294.

86 For an interesting discussion of this see Prinz , H. in Klio. Funde aus Naukratis , 1908 , pp. 31 –3, 68Google Scholar .

87 The flaky white slip is the only point in common.

88 E.g. the Eleusis fragment published by Rhomaios , , Ath. Mitt. 1906 Google Scholar , Pl. XVII. 1.

89 See B.S.A. xiv. Pls. VII and VIII.

90 Nikosthenes and the black on yellow artists, another school that aimed at a whitish ground, were at least sounder craftsmen, though their style was limited by black-figure traditions and inferior to the freer red-figure. The painters of white lekythoi and kylikes, one of whom our artist may later have become, alone succeeded in combining permanence of medium with freedom of drawing on a light ground. An unpublished kantharos in the collection of Mr. Glumenopoulos, now in the Nauplia museum, kindly brought to our notice by Mr. Keramopoulos and Dr. G. Karo, has a black on white design in the style of early white lekythoi, the white slip being laid directly on the buff clay. It may well be Boeotian, and may possibly be taken as a connecting link between our vase and white lekythoi, though differing from it in its most individual features. The fact that cinnabar was used on the polychrome lekythoi (Rhousopolos in Diergart, Beiträge aus der Geschichte der Chemie, p. 181) as well as on our vase may suggest that their painters inherited the traditions of men like our artist.

92 It is possible that this criticism may not prove justified. It is not improbable that a remarkable series of early pinakes, painted in the same four colours, represent Boeotian work, and it is possible that their red, which does not give the same impression as that of Boeotian Kylix vases and figurines, would prove on analysis to contain cinnabar. The antecedents of these vases and their relation to other polychrome ware are obscure. The two Würzburg examples (H. 1607) were obtained from Exarcho (Abae) in Phocis, on the borders of Boeotia, and are called in the Museum inventory an imitation of the style of Exekias that from the Sammlung Arndt, now in the Museum at Munich, is stated to be from Boeotia, and to be parallel to the strong red-figure style. Notice the early eye with central ball of one of the Würzburg examples see Pottier, Louvre, Cat. III. p. 855, Fig. 3, Walters-Birch i. p. 408, Fig. 99. That in the British Museum (Second vase Room, Case 25) was bought from an Athenian dealer with provenance unknown the clay is browny buff, and on this is laid a pure white slip. For the centre figure, which is a dancing girl, this is reserved for flesh and dress, with details painted over in black and bright red but on the field round her it is itself covered with black, on which details are painted in yellow and white on the rim of the plate it is covered with red, on which a white wave pattern is painted. The colours are all matt and opaque. On three unpublished pinakes from Thymbra in the Troad (B 683, 684 and unmarked, in same case) the colour effect is similar, but there seems to be no white slip, and the composition is simpler and leaves a dominant impression of bright red.

93 This criticism may partly be discounted if we feel entitled to postulate the disappearance in certain places of darker lines that originally embroidered the red see above p. 335.

94 Rhousopoulos, op. cit. p. 180.

95 The question is not so simple as is assumed by Fairbanks , ( Athenian Lekythoi p. 18 )Google Scholar . For instance, as was first shown by Loeschcke , ( Ath. Mitt. iv . pp. 36 – 41 Google Scholar , 289–306), the present red on white appearance of the horseman of the Lyseas stele is due to the disintegration of the marble, and does not represent the original colour effect. There is, however, no reason to assume, as is generally done (op. cit. and Conze , Att. Grabreliefs i . pp. 3 – 4 Google Scholar , Lermann , W. Altgriech. Plastik , p. 179 Google Scholar , notel, Dragendorff , H. , Jahrb. xii . 1897 , pp. 1 – 8 )Google Scholar , that the reddish tone that probably marked the ground colour in most of such stelai was darker than the design as a whole. Although three of these writers compare the technique of these stelai with Early Red Figure, and claim them as a parallel example of light on dark, they curiously ignore the fact that neither in Red Figure, nor indeed in any other classical vase style, was red used for a dark background. On the Lyseas stele the only actual remains of the colour of the design is in fact a purple patch, distinctly darker than any red could have been, and there is no reason to think that white was dominant. The terracotta Metopes from Thermos , ( Antike Denkmäler , Bd. ii. Heft. v. 1908 , Plates 49 to 53 and Text p. 5 )Google Scholar , with their red and black on an orange ground, are an interesting analogy, and show that, at least in the sphere of Corinthian influence, a dark on light colour effect was already known for large surfaces and architectural designs.

96 Furtwängler-Reichhold, Plate 82, and Text p. 112. In this, it may be noticed, as in most of such scenes, the man mounting is the inferior, the charioteer, while the warrior stands by e.g. the Brit. Mus. Clazomenae Sarcophagoi, and B.-F. vases such as B. 176, 185, 344, 324, 325, 360. On our vase a later moment is chosen) when the charioteer has already mounted. So on Caeretan Amphora, Berlin 1655, and the Kylix of Oltos and Euxitheos, Berlin 1767 (Wien. Vorleg. 1889, Taf. X. and 1884, Series D Taf. II.).

97 The final mending (see B.S.A. xiv. p. 228, n. 1) of the 130 plain black glaze vases from Grave 31 has proved that the Inscriptions were not, as we stated (ib. p. 281), all on separate vases. Ἀμι (Fig. 12, 17) is on the same vase as E (ib. 22), on the opposite side of the upper part of the body P (ib. 24) is on the lower part of the same side of the vase on which Μνα (ib. 9) is on the upper part Δα (ib. 8) and Α (ib. 25) are in corresponding positions on two handles of the same vase Σϵ (ib. 15) is on the bottom of the foot of the vase that has on the same side of the upper part of the body both Ἁγν (ib. 16) and -νιος (ib. 10). Fresh letters or groups of letters have also been found. The fragment that fits on to the right of -νιος is inscribed ἐμι, so that the whole Inscription runs Ἁγν … νιός ἐμι ΒΕ (Ἑ) appears on the upper part of the body of the vase which has Ε (ib. 23) on the bottom of the foot Σμ (ib. 19) is completed to Σμι, and is on the same vase as Ν (ib. 14), on the opposite side of the upper part of the body Ε (ib. 21) is on one of the handles of its vase, and not the foot. Further in Grave 18, in which the plain ware is now also finally mended, Πυ should be read instead of Γυ (ib. 34).

98 A photograph of the vase showing the Inscription will be published later. There is room in the missing fragment for four letters, and the whole may with some probability be completed as Ἁγν[οσθϵ]νιος ϵἰμι See I. G. xii. 3, 33085, 491, etc. (Thera). This would be a regular Boeotian Genitive of an -ϵς stem (Meister. Gr. Dial. i. p. 245). There is another alternative, that this may be an example of the extension of the use of the patronymic adjective in Boeotian so that it becomes an adjective of the possessor (see Rolfe , J. C. , Harv. Stud. Class. Phil. ii . pp. 91 –2)Google Scholar . This, though not impossible (cp. Meister. op. cit. p. 229, Ἀργῖος for Ἀργϵῖος), is rendered improbable from the analogy of the patronymics Καλλισθένϵιος, Ϝοικοσθένϵιος, Μϵνϵσθένϵιος (op. cit. pp. 224, 268, 229), in which seems never to be written for ϵι.

99 Grave 50, Δάπης, Και. Grave 31, Μνα, Ν, Ἄμι, Σμι, Ε, P Ἑ. Grave 26, Γυρ-. Grave 18, Πυ. Grave 12, Κ, Ετ- or Εγ- or Εζ-, Φα or Φο, Α. Grave 46, Κλ.

100 Grave 49, Δα, Α Grave 50, Λεύκων Grave 31, Γυ, Γυ, ᾿Εγιγ or ᾿Εγιπ or Γιγε or Πιγε, Σε Πτ, Ε, Χ Grave 26, Ε, Σωσα(ν)δρι, Γυ Grave 12, ᾿Αχ or Χα

103 Nos. 21 and 20 of B. S. A. Fig 12.

106 Ἀμι and Ἐ, Μνα and Π, Σμι and Ν.

107 ῾Αγν[οσοθέ]νιός ἐμι and Σε

110 Treated by Schoene , , Comm. Phil. in hon. Mommseni p. 658 Google Scholar , and (much more fully) by Hackl , R. in Münch. Arch. Stud. dem. And. A. Furtwängler gewidmet , 1909 Google Scholar .

111 For examples of these see Smith , C. , J.H.S. vi . pp. 371 –7Google Scholar Rolfe , J. C. in Harvard Studies in Class. Phil. ii . pp. 89 – 101 Google Scholar Walters-Birch , , Hist. Anc. Pott. ii . p. 242 Google Scholar I.G.A. 247(a), etc.

112 Walters-Birch, for instance (ii. p. 238), regards all Mercantile Inscriptions as ‘scratched under the foot.’ Hackl, too (op. cit. pp. 57,59), notices that nearly all which obviously belong to his type are under the foot of the vase, and that the few exceptions are in inconspicuous positions. One of the reasons for which, with praiseworthy moderation, he rejects (ib. p. 90) the letters on the krater handles from the Temple of Aphaia is because of ‘der gut sichtbaren Lage.’

113 Whether artist, καλός, or scene-descriptive inscriptions, they are generally more prominent than would seem natural to our taste. For the doubtful point of so-called ‘nonsense’ inscriptions see B.S.A. xiv., notes to Grave 49, no. 264 and Grave 22, no. 8 (fin.).

114 See B.S.A. xiv. Fig. 18, p. 293.

115 E.g. Και, Σμι, etc. Hackl, as we have already noticed, does not press his point unduly. He professedly deals with Attic vases alone, and even thus only includes inscriptions of which there are examples enough to warrant an application of his methods. What is now needed is full details of intermediate cases, such as those from Rhitsóna, which do not obviously fall under one of the main classes. It should never be said, as it was of the mass of inscriptions from Naukratis , ( Nauk. i . p. 54 Google Scholar ), that they were ‘only monograms or unintelligible fragments,’ which could ‘hardly be used for any scientific purpose.’ Hackl (pp. 17, 88) is justified in complaining that it is not the character of these Naukratite inscriptions, but the method of publishing them, that has made them useless for his purposes.

116 See I.G. vii. Index passim. The only exceptions besides those mentioned in the text are Γυρ- and Σε We have, however, Γύρων a Chalcidian , ( I.G. vii . 368 Google Scholar ), and Γυρίδας on a non-Attic Inscription found in the Peiraeus , ( I.G.A. 562 Google Scholar ). Σείπομπος from Thebes , ( I.G. vii . 2440 Google Scholar ) is very late, but we have Σημωνίδης on an ancient inscription found at Olympia , ( I.G.A. 1 Google Scholar ), Σήραμβος an Aeginetan , (Refs. ad ib. 355 Google Scholar ), and Σῆμος on one of the better attested lead tablets from Styra (ib. 372, 340), as well as Σήμων and Σεύρων on ib. 372341, 372339.

117 For the termination (not -ϵις or -ϵι, as usual in Boeotian), cp. Χάρϵς ( Meister , . Gr. Dial. i . p. 272 Google Scholar ). The name can perhaps be paralleled by the ΗΑΠΑΔ inscribed on a Corinthian Hydria from Vulci (Collitz-Bechtel, iii. 2, No. 3156, Kretschmer , , Vaseninsch. p. 26 Google Scholar ). Furtwängler (Berlin Cat. 1657) here finds the name Δάπας. The only other mention of the name we know is Etymolog. Mag. (Gaisford) under δάπτω, which reads ἐξ οὗ … καὶ Δάπης, ὄνομα. Hesychius gives the form δάπης for τάπης, which might be presented to S. Reinach (see below p. 341, n. 126) for his memoranda theory, or to a less moderate Hackl as a simultaneous order for carpets.

118 I.G. vii. 2038, Kirchner, Prosop. Att. vol. ii. Nos. 9065–9. To the apparently accidental strokes mentioned in B.S.A. xiv. p. 264 and shown ib. Fig. 12, 7 must be added a distinct line running through the circle of the fourth letter, so that epigraphically it might well be a Phi, not a Koppa. Neither Λϵυφον (or -φαν) nor Λϵκφον (or -φαν), however, is probable, unless the latter, taken as parts of separate words, could be regarded as referring to consignments of λήκυθοι or λϵκάναι (Hackl, op. cit. pp. 50, 71, 96–7).

119 In Rhodes , ( J.H.S. vi . p. 376 Google Scholar ) there were three vases bearing the name Age, two in the same tomb. ᾿´Αγης εἰμι shows the class to which they belong.

120 Nos. 11 and 12 (B.S.A. xiv. Fig. 12) are exactly the same hand. No. 29 is half-way between them and No. 30, in which the gamma approximates more to the Attic type.

121 A certain name, though apparently not actually appearing.

122 Sosandros , is a common name ( I.G. vii . 2649 Google Scholar , etc., and Fick, op. cit. p. 59), but Anticharos by the side of Antichares shows that a parallel -ης (-ϵις or -ϵι) form developed as a short form from a patronymic Sosandridas is not impossible. For their frequency in Boeotia and their datives in -ι see Blass , , Rhein. Mus. 1881 , pp. 604 –7Google Scholar . For other datives of the man to whom a vase was given see I.G.A. 219, and cp. also Boeckh , , C.I.G. 545 Google Scholar .

124 I.G. ii. 444, 68 (1), 751 d. 15.

126 It is possible that this may be one of the cases where a vase, like our rough notebooks, and odd half-sheets, was a corpus vile for the memoranda of the moment. Reinach , S. ( Epig. Gr. p. 451 Google Scholar ) makes this alternative of more general application than is probable.

127 Cp. Foat , F. W. on abbreviations in Greek Papyri in J.H.S. xxii . pp. 136 Google Scholar , 138.

129 See Fick, op. cit. p. 85. Though the second consonant from the left may be a Pi, the first cannot be. Otherwise we migh have conjectured the letters to be the beginning of an ἐπί with the genitive or dative, such as we find on Boeotian tombstones, e.g. I.G.A. 127, 131, 132, 135, etc., or of a name such as Ἐπιγϵνής (I.G.A. 40, I.G. vii. 1747).

130 Cp. p. 340, n. 115, and Klein , , Lieblingsinschrift . 2 p. 122 Google Scholar . For Smikros, an artist's signature, see ib. pp. 126–7.

132 Walters-Birch, ii. p. 242 I.G.A. 524.

133 As suggested by Smith , C. in Naukratis i . p. 48 Google Scholar . Cp. B.S.A. xiv. p. 298, note on Grave 18, No. 269.

134 B.C.H. 1895. Face C, line 23 and pp. 1, 17, 23, 32. The point is of course not certain except for the given locality and date. The inscription has, so far as we know, not been noticed for this special point, but only as another example of a sumptuary law for funerals, such as those known for Athens ( Plut. , Solon 21 Google Scholar ) and for Iulis (I.G.A. 395). The chief interest of these sumptuary laws is that they illustrate the general tendency to funerary extravagance, and show us that the huge number of vases found in some of the Rhitsóna , graves ( B.S.A. xiv . p 245 Google Scholar , n. 3) should not strike us as odd.

135 Sosandri, of course, even if a dative, may have been the gift of the man to whom the vase was originally given. Cp. I. G. A. 205 and 219, and above, p. 341, n. 122. It might, however, conceivably refer to the dead man, and so, on the analogy of the Ἀπόλλωνός ϵἰμι of Naukratis i. p. 54, etc., might Ὀνασίδαό ϵἰμι. But the view obviously could not be extended to many of our inscriptions, unless we were to postulate repeated interments.

136 We may notice that the Aphrodite dedications were incised indifferently on body of vase and foot. Cp. Naukratis ii. Nos. 706–738 with ib. Nos 748–761.

137 Furtwängler , ( Aegina , pp. 456 Google Scholar , 479–80) notices that the Naukratite potters who painted on their vases, before firing, the names of their Aeginetan customers who wished to take them home to dedicate to Aphaia, naturally used Ionic dialect and alphabet. Hackľs interesting point (pp.92–5) that Ionian letters are found on Early Attic vases and prove an Ionian carrying trade, does not affect this argument, as they would, according to his view, if we understand him right, be incised in such cases by the Ionian traders themselves on pattern vases, etc. that formed part of their order.

138 If we think that even the earliest of his signatures are more regular than those we are considering cp. B.S.A. xiv. Fig. 18 and pp. 245, 305, and below, p. 348.

139 Klein , , Lieblingsinschrift . 2 p. 24 Google Scholar , notices that καλός names, like artists' signatures, are not found on white ground sepulchral Lekythoi, and remarks that they appear to be foreign ‘der sepulchralen Gattung.’ Another unusual καλός inscription is the Ἐπίλυκος καλός of Klein , , Meistersig . 2 p. 115 Google Scholar , Lieblingsinsch. 2 p. 5. Cp. also Orsi's interesting discussion in Mon. Ant. xix. pp. 96, 102–15 there, however, it is surely more natural to suppose that, while Ἀνακρέων is scene-descriptive of the lyre-player, ὁ παῖς καλός is only a case, to use Klein's words (Lieb. 2 p. 1) ‘des ungezähltemal vorkommenden ὁ παῖς καλός, ἡ παῖς καλή and not, as Orsi suggests, appropriate, and ‘alludente alle tendenze del poeta,’ as well as ‘alla modo della pittura vascolare.’ Besides the doubtful case alluded to above (p. 316), there are only four καλός inscriptions mentioned as incised by Klein , ( Lieb. 2 pp. 61 Google Scholar , 81, 137, 118), and of these the last is filled in with red paint. Ἀβαιοδορς καλς however, as stated above (p. 316), is also almost certainly incised, and is perhaps the example most like our own that exists. It is possible, however, that Klein has not noticed the point in other cases, as (op. cit. p. 53) he has not in this.

140 Gönnt' Alles seinem Erben,

Den Becher nicht zugleich.

141 In the spirit of II. Samuel i. 23.

142 Or Eleon the modern Dritsa, the nearest station to Rhitsóna on the Athens-Thebes line. See Frazer , , Pausanias v . pp. 62 –5Google Scholar .

143 V. 43 for the date see Macan , , Herodotus , vol. ii . p. 84 Google Scholar .

144 See Klein , , Lieblingsinsch . p. 6 Google Scholar , etc. The word συνεβούλευσε looks as if Antichares was a private individual travelling in Peloponnesos, who happened to know some of the oracles of his own country-side. If, however, he were a professional μάντις he would still probably be of a distinguished family, and a leading man in his own city cp. Scholia ad Aristoph. Pac. 1071, Βάκιδες δὲ τρεῖς, ὧν ὁ πρεσβύτατος ἐξ ᾿Ελεῶνος τῆς Βοιωτίας. So the two Eleans who were the μάντεις on each side before Plataea have their family carefully given by Herodotus (ix. 33–7) compare too the leading part played by Theaenetus, son of Tolmides, in the escape of the Plataeans (Thuc. iii. 20). In the sixth century we should expect a μάντις to belong still more certainly to one of the old priestly families.

145 See Walters-Birch, i. pp. 403–4, ii. p. 267.

146 Inconsistencies in names are not uncommon in literary tradition itself: e.g. the Anchimolios of Hdt. v. 63, is the Anchimolos , of Ath. Pol. 19 Google Scholar . 5.

147 See above, p. 315. In Fick , , Griech. Personennamen 2 , pp. 287 –8Google Scholar , there are compounded from the root χαρ- thirty-two examples of proper names ending in -χάρης as against one ending in -χάρης Roehl, indeed, thought this one (᾿Αγλώχαρος I.G.A. 389) so odd, that he wrongly (see Collitz and Bechtel , , D.I. iii . 2 Google Scholar , 5, p. 552) read it as genitive ( = -ους for -εος).

148 In spite of slips in vase inscriptions, such as those given in Kretschmer , , Vaseninsch. p. 185 Google Scholar , Klein , , Meist. 2 p. 47 Google Scholar , we can hardly imagine that in such a case the writer made a mistake, either from casualness or ignorance. But it is possible that both forms were used indifferently of the same man, in the way in which Fick shows that the same man could be called either by his short or his full name (op. cit. pp. 35–6). If we could find an example where the same man had his name spelt in -εος and -ει (see Meister , , Griech. Dial. i . p. 272 Google Scholar ), it would not really be parallel. The alternative short-names Βαυκίς and Βαυκώ in Erinna (Fick, loc. cit.) are nearer.

149 Whether we regard the variation as accidental, or as a deliberate attempt at differentiation.

150 Pp. 332–4 and Plate XXV.

151 Grave 46, No. 157 (Fig. 11), and Graves 31, No. 361, and 26, No. 235 (B.S.A. xiv. pp. 279, 285, and Pl. XII. b).

152 From the graves already published we have 819 round-bodied aryballoi with floral ornament, 687 black glaze kantharoi.

153 All the vases published here and in B.S.A. xiv. are now exhibited grave by grave in the Museum at Thebes.

154 Cp. Böhlau , , Jahrb. 1888 , p. 340 Google Scholar , Fig. 17, and remarks on p. 339 before No. 56.

155 Contrast the series of Boeotian oinochoai discussed p. 348, n. 178: the distinctive shape of that series might be used as an argument against our Grave 31, No. 23 being Boeotian but on the other hand it does show that Boeotian potters made oinochoai, and that they used Corinthian models.

156 Louvre, L 199, suggests a connexion with the skyphos series Nos. 28–32 of Grave 51, which have Proto-Corinthian features: cp. also Graef, Die ant. Vasen von der Akrop., No. 415, Taf. 15.

157 Böhlau , , Jahrb. , 1888 , p. 333 Google Scholar , has no hesitation in ascribing his No. 21 to Boeotia. [Ganze Schale mit braunschwarzem Firnis überzogen: darauf einige rote Streifen gemalt, und ringsumlaufend weisse Punktrosetten.]

158 Between Nos. 21 and 22 may be placed Grave 26, No. 37.

160 Their close connexion with the series intermediary between Proto-Corinthian and Black-Figure is also obvious, and again illustrates the difficulty of assigning some of these vases to any single class, even transitional.

161 Cp. also our Grave 18, Nos. 233 and 234, with Ath. Nat. Mus. Nos. 1118 and 623 (Collignon and Couve No. 630, Pl. XXVI). Their peculiar hexagonal-sectioned handles seem to group them together. The first three are black glaze kantharoi, the fourth a b.-f. kantharos very much like Grave 50, No. 265.

162 For a direct connexion between Nos. 12 and 251 cp. the band of rough black dots just below shoulder of 251 with similar band round top of outside of No. 12. The connexion between 12, 14, and 251 is best seen if 12 and 14 are inverted.

163 Vases that would fall easily into our (d) series seem to have been found in various parts of the Greek world: e.g. into Grave 49 series, Ath. Nat. Mus., No. 768 (=Cat. No. 365) from Kerameikos Brussels, Mus. du Cinq., A 1679, from Keos into Grave 51 series, Brussels, Mus. du Cinq. A 44, boxight at Corinth Bari, No 780, from Ruvo.

The small vases with swimming birds and fill ornament seem particularly wide spread: see Böhlau , , Aus ion. Nekr. pp. 44 Google Scholar and 135 and Taf. V. 5–7 Graef , , Vasen der Akrop. , pp. 61 Google Scholar fol.: Böhlau, on the strength of two examples found by him in Samos and the occurrence of swimming birds (with a quite different fill ornament) on a spät-milesisch fragment (loc. cit. Taf. XII. 6) assigned the type to Ionia. Graef (loc. cit.) on the ground of 15 examples found in Attica claims it ‘provisionally’ as Attic. Graef's argument is certainly 7½ times as cogent as Böhlau's.

164 See also Orsi , , Mon. Ant. xix . Nuove Ant. di Gela, p. 98 Google Scholar .

165 They have also some slight but striking details the same, e.g. the ray pattern round the inner rim of No. 263 and the foot of No. 265.

166 For the rough white cable pattern of Grave 31, No. 42 (same pattern in black round top and bottom of top zone of Grave 26, No. 38) cp. B.C.H. 1897, p. 451, Fig. 6, a kantharos from Thebes with floral pattern much like that on our Grave 50, No. 273 (=B.S.A. xiv. Pl. X. i) and, perhaps, Arch. Anz. 1889. p. 156, a παπᾶς now in Dresden, apparently in the colours of our class I (B.S.A. xiv. p. 308). The ornament seems characteristic of Boeotia, but not confined to it, cp. e.g. Mon. Ant. xvii. Gela, p. 200, Fig. 155.

167 See especially the vases just quoted as combining elements of several styles.

168 For corrections of B.S.A. account, see above p. 338, n. 97.

169 See above, §5. In the cases especially where one vase has two inscriptions in different hands, it seems unlikely that both were put on by the maker.

170 See Gardner , E. , Greek Sculpture , p. 147 Google Scholar , n. 1 I.G.A. Nos. 126, 150, 168, 258.

171 For references see B.S.A. xiv. p. 305, note 2. See also above, §5, pp. 342–3.

172 See Klein , , Meistersig. 2 p. 212 Google Scholar . So long of course as no Teisias vases are found outside Boeotia, every new one found in Boeotia increases the probability of a Boeotian workshop. A workshop in Boeotia does not of course exclude the possibility of others elsewhere. It may be only a curious coincidence that a Black Glaze kylix (Ath. Nat. Mus., No. 2492), said to have come from Corinth, of our Graves 26, 18, 12, 46 style, is inscribed in Corinthian letters with a name that would perhaps naturally be read Τιμέας (so Kretschmer , , Vaseninsch . p. 18 Google Scholar ) but the third letter has a longer stroke than Corinthian mu generally has, and could possibly be an example of ‘τὸ σὰν κίβδηλον ἀνθρώποις.’ See Kretschmer, op. cit. p. 20 No. 19, p. 25 No. 35, and pp. 148–9 of Prof. Rhys Roberts' forthcoming edition of Dion. Hal. De Comp. Verb. For ι instead of ϵι in first syllable cp. Kretschmer p. 18, on a Corinthian aryballos, Φιδίας, where, as Kretschmer says, p. 36, ‘steht wirklich ι für ϵι, wohl nur Verschreibung’. For ϵ instead of ι in second syllable cp. ib. p. 36, Ἀφιτρϵταν for Ἀμφιτρίταν. We know that Teisias varied the length, the spelling, and the handwriting of his inscriptions. Is it possible that he had a branch at Corinth where his name appeared in this much altered form ?

173 E.g. sign of a shop at Casablanca (Aug. 1909), ‘Old England, Articles pour hommes. B. Nahun and Co.’

174 The descriptions of previously known Teisias vases were published 30 years ago, and are very inadequate. The only one we have been able to see, Ath. Nat. Mus., No. 2239, has all the distinguishing features of the Rhitsóna vases.

Assassin’s Creed Odyssey Tomb Stele Locations Map (Skill Points)

Assassin’s Creed Odyssey has 22 Tomb Locations with Steles in them which earn you skill points. This guide contains a map that shows where to find all Tomb Steles.

What makes the tombs so interesting is that the steles in them reward you with a skill point. Especially on higher difficulties this can make a huge difference in the early game. Be sure to go to these tombs as early as possible. They are all in “question mark” locations that are shown on the map after you visit a region. When you get close enough it will reveal the Tomb Entrance on the map for you. They are little puzzle navigation segments. The goal is always to reach the Stele at the end of the tomb, but they are super easy compared to previous games. You usually break a wall or some vases to get to the stele or have some climbing / sliding sections to do. Interact with the glowing Stele at the end of the tomb to get your skill point and the tomb location will count as completed.

There’s also a time saver item in Ubisoft Store for 300 Helix Credits (microtransaction) called “First Civilization Steles Map”. Instead of spending real money you can just refer to the maps shown here.

Below there is one big map with all 22 Tomb Stele Locations where red numbers mark each spot. There are also zoomed-in maps per region where the tombs are marked with this blue icon: .

Museums of Greece

Unofficial page about greek museums and archaeological sites, original photography by Zambia Pateraki. Expressions of wild enthusiasm, love, and devotion here:

Archaeological Museum of Thebes:

Grave stele. Hellenistic period and used subsequently in the1st century B.C, possibly by members of the same family. Found at Trikalitis&rsquo plot in Thebes. Preserved on one side, a male portrait with the inscription &ldquoTheodoros Farewell&rdquo (&Theta&Epsilon&Omicron&Delta&Omega&Rho&Omicron&Sigma &Chi&Alpha&Iota&Rho&Epsilon). On the other side, without a representation, the inscription &ldquoTheodoros Worthy&rdquo (&Theta&Epsilon&Omicron&Delta&Omega&Rho&Omicron&Sigma &Chi&Rho&Eta&Sigma&Tau&Omicron&Sigma)

This grave stele was discovered recently, and it is one of the newest additions in the exhibition of the museum. That was the main reason for wanting to visit the museum as soon as it opened. I am in a bit of a quest to document works of ancient greek painting. I first saw the portrait of &ldquoTheodoros&rdquo on an article, in a blurry photo, and then at the online guidebook of the museum. Before this, the only works of ancient greek painting I had seen up close, were the funerary stelai at Pella, and some designs on tombs at Thessaloniki. A few days ago I finally saw this portrait in person and I was elated. Theodoros looks so alive- I guess that was the point.

Last summer I was in for a surpise when I visited the Archaeological Museum of Volos. I had seen a picture of another painted funerary stele with a woman lying in bed dying after having given birth. The quality of the photo was not very good, but the stele was to be found in a greek museum. I drove all the way to Volos just so I could see this stele, and I found dozens of them with vivid scenes and bright colors. Now there are news of two Macedonian tombs with beautiful paintings opening to the public. I think finally ancient greek painting starts gaining the attention it deserves.

5th century BC victory stele of Persian king Darius I found in Russia

Ruins of the ancient fortifications at Phanagoria.

Posted By: Dattatreya Mandal August 12, 2016

In one of our previous articles about the Achaemenid realm, we mentioned how the Persian empire was the largest superpower in the ancient world (circa 500 BC), with its landmass stretching from Anatolia and Egypt across western Asia to the borders of northern India and Central Asia. And now archaeologists have found evidence of the incredible Persian influence even in the distant region by the Black Sea, in present-day Russia. To that end, a team of Russian researchers have uncovered an ancient marble stele (a slab) that is inscribed with a message from Persian king Darius I. The fascinating discovery was made at Phanagoria, an ancient Greek site near Crimea.

According to the report made by The Art Newspaper, the inscription in question uses a specialized cuneiform script that can be attributed to Persian kings of antiquity. And while only around 10-15 percent of the message has survived, the deciphered sections of the stele script make it clear that it was a message of Persian triumph over their foes. More specifically, according to Vladimir Kuznetsov, the director of the Phanagoria Historical and Archeological Museum-Preserve, and the leader of the expedition –

[The inscription is] evidently devoted to the crushing of the Ionian revolt…[and places Phanagoria] in the context of one of the most important events of ancient history, which had far-reaching consequences for the Greeks as well as the Persians, and makes is possible to trace the connections of this colony with other parts of the Greek world and analyze its significance in advancing Hellenistic civilization on the Black Sea coast.

Interestingly enough, one of the words mentioned in the inscription pertains to Miletus, which was an ancient Greek city on the western coast of Anatolia. Inhabited throughout the late Neolithic, Bronze Age and Mycenaean period, the city reached its political and cultural zenith in 6th century BC. But unfortunately, the tyrant of Miletus – Aristagoras became the leader of the Ionian Revolt against the Persians, in 499 BC. The Persians under Darius I quashed the rebellion, and even sold many of the women and children into slavery, thus relegating the city’s status for a few years to come.

So from the historical angle, the victory stele possibly describes the victory of the Persians over the Greek city-state. But the question naturally arises – how come the slab was found in the distant land beyond the Black Sea? Well a piece of the victory stele was possibly transported to Phanagoria by ship – thus implying Persian influence in the area.

Ruins of the ancient fortifications at Phanagoria. Credit: The Art Newspaper

What’s more, the same team researchers (with their expedition being sponsored by Russian billionaire Oleg Deripaska) had also discovered the ruins of a 6th-5th century BC fort in the proximate area that was possibly under the control of a powerful ruler. This archaeological scope is complemented by yet another find discovered in April of this year. It pertains to a fragment of a marble arrow with inscriptions that date back to 5th century BC.

So overall many of these discoveries (including the stele) probably relate to the influence of the Achaemenid Persians along the Black Sea. And lastly from the historical perspective, it should also be noted that Darius I was responsible was gathering one of the largest armies in the ancient times to invade Scythia (the Eurasian steppes beyond the Black Sea) in a bid to secure his northern flanks before engaging the mainland Greeks – an encounter that had its climax at the Battle of Marathon.

And while the Persians were initially successful in advancing through the Scythian territories, their forces were mostly greeted with scorched lands and poisoned wells. Darius’ precarious situation was further exacerbated by precise Scythian raids and forays that inflicted substantial casualties on the ponderous Persian army. Such unorthodox tactics forced Darius to set up his fortified camp by the Sea of Azov, and the frustrated monarch even asked his foes – why the Scythians were not offering any direct battle?

In reply, King Idanthyrsus (one of the three Scythian kings) said, according to Herodotus –

This is my way, Persian. I never fear men or fly from them. I have not done so in times past, nor do I now fly from thee. There is nothing new or strange in what I do I only follow my common mode of life in peaceful years. Now I will tell thee why I do not at once join battle with thee. We Scythians have neither towns nor cultivated lands, which might induce us, through fear of their being taken or ravaged, to be in a hurry to fight with you.

Suffice it to say, after mounting Scythian pressure and their superb equestrian skills, Darius had to retreat back to the Danubian border, thus mirroring later day failed campaigns like Napoleon’s invasion of Russia and Operation Barbarossa during WWII. As a result, the nomadic Scythians managed to score a strategic victory over an ancient superpower, and continued to exert their influence in the proximate regions for almost three more centuries.

Boeotian art

The variety of classical art is amazing while the sterility of medieval art is depressing (though it is much better preserved, obviously).

Too bad that there wasn't a volcano eruption in 4th century Greece to preserve some Greek cities for us , unlike what happened to Pompeii and Herculaneum. In Pompeii we have thousands of pictures preserved thanks to the Vesuvius.


The variety of classical art is amazing while the sterility of medieval art is depressing (though it is much better preserved, obviously).

Too bad that there wasn't a volcano eruption in 4th century Greece to preserve some Greek cities for us , unlike what happened to Pompeii and Herculaneum. In Pompeii we have thousands of pictures preserved thanks to the Vesuvius.

Surely ancient art is unique. But byzantine art is equally valuable, but not that realistic and more restricted in some types of art like frescos, mosaics, architecture.

I have a huge collection with pics from byzantine greek period, I will choose some and post them in another thread.

Glykera Group

The so-called Glykera group comprises a total of 14 steles, which stylistically correspond to the Kassel Glykera stele and are typical examples of the Attic relief work around 350 BC. Represent. Time and genre-specific are both the structure of the garments with the accentuated heaviness of the fabrics and the arrangement of the figures, which is somewhat stiff. The robes are shown with long and rather wide folds. Six steles from the Glykera group show men whose coats, like that of Onesimos, are turned down under their chests, so that a triangular flap that falls on their stomachs results. The figure of the standing man, treated almost identically, can be found on the side of four steles in the group. Andreas Scholl suspects that these steles could have come from the same workshop as two marble lekyths in relief .

Representations of Athena on Attic document reliefs from the same period are also comparable.

Watch the video: DEFEATING ALL FOUR CHAMPIONS OF BOEOTIAN + Locations - Assassins Creed Odyssey - GamZee


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